鲍德温四世

  名人简历    【本页移动版】
鲍德温四世(1161年-1185年3月16日),耶路撒冷王国国王,耶路撒冷的阿马尔里克一世与库尔特奈的阿格尼丝(Agnes of Courtenay)之子,即位于1174年。即位初期,的黎波里伯爵雷蒙德被选为摄政,王国内分为两派。以雷蒙德、医院骑士团、西顿的雷纳德、伊柏林家族和托伦的杰弗里等本地骑士为一方,以圣殿骑士团和库尔特奈(Courtenay)和吕西尼昂家族(Lusignan)等新来的骑士为另一方,1175年,安条克的雷纳德和乔瑟林从阿勒颇被释放回来,也加入了这一方。患麻疯病的鲍德温在两派之间调停,保持着王国的稳定。

人物介绍

即位初期,的黎波里伯爵雷蒙德被选为摄政,王国内分为两派。以雷蒙德、医院骑士团、西顿的雷纳德、伊贝林(Ibelin)家族和托伦的杰弗里等本地骑士为一方,以圣殿骑士团和库尔特奈(Courtenay)和吕西尼昂家族(Lusignan)等新来的骑士为另一方,1175年,安条克的雷纳尔德和乔瑟林从阿勒颇被释放回来,也加入了这一方。患麻疯病的鲍德温在两派之间调停,保持着王国的稳定。

轶事典故

蒙吉萨之战

1177年,埃及人于是年侵入法兰克人的叙利亚,他们将鲍德温四世封锁在阿斯卡隆,提尔的威廉所说,埃及军队最初拥有超过26000名壮士(8000名塔辛(Toassin)和18000名花喇古拉姆(Qaraghulams),他们都是骑兵,加上骑骆驼和骡的步兵),他们四散劫掠,认为在他们到耶路撒冷之间没有敌军。但鲍德温四世成功地集中了375至500名骑士(包括80名来自加沙的圣殿骑士)以及低于3000人的步兵,他们避开了小股的埃及拦截部队,越过山谷(此山谷临近蒙吉萨要塞),使萨拉丁的大部队震惊。

  许多埃及军队正在劫掠,其他人则在营帐中,法兰克人的袭击完全是出其不意的。他们只有组织松散的战阵的时间,他们的军队陷入全面混乱,人们四处乱转,甚至试图在法兰克人的冲锋之下改组他们的编队。在这样的境况之下,不可避免的是,一些部队甚至在与法兰克人交锋之前便溃败并逃走了,那些待着的部队几乎全被歼灭。萨拉丁自己则在他的个人卫队(一千名马穆鲁克)的掩护下逃脱了。

  法兰克人取得了完全的胜利,埃及军队遗弃了他们的战利品、辎重和俘虏。除此之外,埃及军队在战役中损失惨重,并在撤退的时候受到贝都因人的骚扰,造成了更大的损失。

  法兰克人也损失巨大,医院骑士团的团长记录道,【法兰克人】损失了1100人,至少有750人受伤。

  在鲍德温四世的率领下,法兰克军队举得了胜利,但这次胜利无法挽救他们的悲惨命运,对萨拉丁产生的不利影响甚微,而且,有意思的是,萨拉丁手下的原法蒂玛王朝的将官多半在此役中阵亡,其位多为萨拉丁所亲信的马穆鲁克所取代。

泉水谷之战

在1179年,萨拉丁入侵了班尼亚思和西顿地区,一支鲍德温四世和的黎波里的雷蒙德伯爵指挥的法兰克军队出发去截击萨拉丁。登上高地之后,他们眺望泉水谷,能够看到萨拉丁在远处的班亚思的营帐,之后他们决定马上下山至平原,然而这样做很轻率,军中的大部分步兵已因长途跋涉而筋疲力尽,不能随着军队快速沿陡坡直下。面对萨拉丁先行的散兵部队,法兰克人向平原进军需数小时的时间(假定大部分步兵能够跟上),这些散兵部队刚劫掠归来并进一步向西行进,他们被法兰克人袭击并被击败,留下了许多尸体。法兰克人为自己的成功所鼓舞,许多在圣殿骑士团团长和雷蒙德伯爵指挥下的法兰克骑兵匆忙前去追赶,不料他们面对的是萨拉丁和穆斯林的大部队,飞奔而逃的散兵重新聚合在大部队周围。面对严阵以待的穆斯林,法兰克人没有时间去排整队列,但即便部队陷入混乱,他们仍设法在萨拉丁的人海压倒并击破他们之前坚持一小会儿,萨拉丁击溃了他们,鲍德温的大部队则仍在收集战利品并休息。

  在追击战中,更多的法兰克人被杀或被俘,虽然一些人(包括国王自身)设法逃到比福特堡。其他于夜晚藏到岩石和洞穴中的人则被穷追直至抓获,于次日沦为俘虏。需为这场灾难负责的圣殿骑士团团长也在那些俘虏当中。

鲍德温晚期的战局

除此之外,法兰克人还在哈里姆之战中战败;埃及船队甚至开进了阿克港。法兰克人四面受敌,鲍德温四世对此无能为力,不得不与萨拉丁于1180年停战。然而,臭名昭著的沙蒂永的雷纳尔德抢劫了萨拉丁的商队,得到20万的金币,鲍德温四世命他将这笔巨款归还,然而雷纳尔德公然违抗他的命令,于是,战争再度爆发。

  萨拉丁进攻加利利地区和萨马里亚,使之沦为废墟,而法兰克人占据哈马,威胁着大马士革。萨拉丁展开了毁灭性的反击,他于1183年6月占领阿莱普,法兰克人援助曾吉派以制约萨拉丁的算盘彻底落空。

  法兰克人疲于应战,他们在王国里征收地产税和所得税。1184年,耶路撒冷主教、圣殿骑士团和医院骑士团的总团长回到西方,向神圣罗马帝国、英格兰、法国国王示警,但无人回应。任何一个法兰克人都知道他们将面对什么。

由于鲍德温的病情恶化,骑士们决定给他的姐姐西比拉(Sibylla)找一个丈夫,作为王位继承人。他们选择了蒙特费拉特的威廉,但威廉未能成婚,就于1177年初死了。1180年,西比拉爱上了一个来东方冒险的年轻法国骑士、吕西尼昂的居伊(Guy of Lusignan),二人于复活节完婚。由于摄政王雷蒙德反对这门婚事,居伊作为王储,加入了另一派。

然而鲍德温国王的病情不断恶化,他失明了,时常发烧,身体也在不断腐烂。1183年,他将摄政权交给了他的姐夫居伊。1183年居伊开始公开不服从国王。鲍德温剥夺了居伊在雅法和阿斯卡隆的领地,1185年他指定自己年幼的外甥,西比拉和蒙特费拉特的威廉之子蒙特费拉特的鲍德温为王储,雷蒙德伯爵为摄政,并禁止居伊参与权力,3月鲍德温四世去世。

相关传说

圣地国王的传说

当鲍德温四世生下来接受洗礼之时,当时他的叔父鲍德温三世作为孩子的教父参与主持洗礼。有一位议厅的贵族笑着问国王除了把自己名字给予这个孩子之外,还正式准备了什么洗礼的礼物.

结果鲍德温三世看着圣十字架,大笑回答:u2018圣地王国!(The Kingdom of Jerusalem!)所有在场的人都记下这刻。当时正当盛年的国王根本就没有想过自己后嗣的问题。

但是事实确实是,一年之后当鲍德温三世国王忽然去世,他兄弟后来的阿马里克一世之所以能获得王位,除了因为他本身地位,最高议廷也因为尚在襁褓中王子——他被前任国王所给予许诺和王国继承人的地位。

王子幼年时和伙伴玩征战游戏,结果就被他老师威廉(William of Tyre) 发现左手臂毫无痛觉,经过医治诊断后确认是麻风病,如果说刚开始为了安定人心,尚且还保密,但十岁时,这些最高议厅的所有人员甚至全部贵族都很清楚!而且他十三岁即位时,他的病症已经很明显了。

但即使这样,当初阿马里克国王远征埃及,染上瘟疫。没等回到圣地就去世了,他当时也没有留下明确的遗言。消息传来,最高议厅马上举行了会议,提议鲍德温王子继承王位。根据当时记载无一人反对。

所以阿莫利国王去世仅仅四天,就为鲍德温王子举行了加冕仪式。当时王子只有十三岁,连王国中不成文规定十五才能继承爵位的年纪都不到。

做为罗马教廷那边,考虑到一个患有神灵惩罚之症的少年成为圣地的君主?那它还有什么言辞来劝告信徒?当然争论很大,并把这种压力传回王国,但是圣地王国除了最高议厅根本不加理会,连当地各大主教(提尔大主教)都回复说国王已经是涂圣油之王,请不要置疑主的世间权威和决定!”

因为刚即位的国王未到法定的年纪,所以只得任命摄政王,先后两位,尤其是雷蒙德伯爵摄政之前时,他还专门和最高议廷签了一纸保证的文书。除了宣誓自己忠诚之外,因为担心伯爵效仿他国对于麻风的习俗,作出失礼的行为。其中还附加了一条,不得在在国王面前提及他的病症!

所以鲍德温四世加冕时,最高议廷、各大教区、所有贵族百姓,都知道鲍德温四世过于年幼无法执政,即便执政了也会被麻风腐蚀身体,会毁容,会残疾,会失明,虚弱之下连签署公文都无法,甚至不会有后嗣。可他们都不曾有过犹豫地确认对他的效忠。

真实的历史评价

在鲍德温四世统治期间,法兰克人屡遭重创,而且内部分裂严重。耶路撒冷王国分裂成好几个派别,互不相让,争权夺利,向国王施压。为首的是叙利亚和巴勒斯坦的贵族,信来的人称之为“小马”,嘲笑他们的某些东方习俗;另一派则是支持君主制度的“宫廷派”,由刚刚来自西方的贵族组成;此外,还有圣殿骑士团和医院骑士团等军事修派。他们相互倾轧、争斗,置国家于危险的境地,然而鲍德温四世对此却无能为力。正如《阿拉伯人眼中的十字军东征》里所说的:“有趣的是阿拉伯世界的崛起,并没有刺激法兰克人进一步的团结,相反的,当耶路撒冷之王不幸得上可怕的麻风病变成无能后,俩个对立派立刻恶斗起来,一派由的黎波里伯爵雷蒙德主掌,倾向于跟萨拉丁联合;另一派是极端分子,前安条克统帅——沙蒂永的雷纳尔德。”

《阿拉伯人眼中的十字军东征》的评价:“西元1184年,鲍德温四世的麻风已到了末期,手脚萎缩,视线模糊,这个一向既无勇气又无定见的人,将国政托付给的黎波里伯爵,也就是致力于与萨拉丁谋好的雷蒙德。”

《罗马帝国衰亡史》所述:“阿毛里的儿子鲍德温四世患有麻风,这种病在十字军当中很普遍,使得他无论是心理或生理都被剥夺了正常的机能……这些人就是圣城的守卫者:一个麻风患者、一个黄口小儿、一个柔弱妇女、一个纨绔懦夫、一个变节分子。”

英文简介

Baldwin IV, king of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem is largely - and unfairly - unknown in the west today. But, as Bernard Hamilton details in The Leper King and his Heirs, he deserves so much better. For a start, he accomplished so much more than his famous Crusading near contemporary Richard the Lionheart, and under infinitely more trying conditions.

Not only was his childhood troubled - his father Amalric had been forced to disown his mother Agnes when Baldwin was two years old before the aristocracy would accept him as king, and Baldwin was only 13 when Amalric died and he took the throne - he contracted leprosy at a young age (Baldwin's symptoms are discussed in a useful appendix by Piers Mitchell).

The disease could not be hidden; “It grew more serious each day, specially injuring his hands and feet and his face, so that his subjects were distressed whenever they looked at him,” William of Tyre, chief contemporary chronicler of the day, relates.

A lesser person would have quickly broken under such circumstances. But Baldwin was animated by both a bold spirit and a tremendous sense of duty, of his obligation to his people. One of the most human touches is William of Tyreu2019s depiction of Baldwin as “a good looking child for his age“ who grew up ”full of hope“ and ”more skilled than men who were older than himself in controlling horses and in riding them at a gallop,” (p 43). Baldwin had taught himself this skill, vital to a knight, despite already losing feeling in his right hand. And he continued to ride at the head of his men into battle when there was no way he could have remounted had he been unhorsed. Determination and courage were to be the hallmarks of his all too brief career.

For Baldwin was by any measure a successful king - considering his circumstances and limited resources, a great one. Though his people were massively outnumbered and surrounded on three sides, this boy, who took the throne in 1164 and died aged not quite 24 in 1185, for 11 years frustrated the ambition of Saladin, the greatest warrior of the age, to forge unity among the Arab people and drive the Christians from the Holy Places.

Despite being significantly outnumbered, he defeated Saladin in two major battles, Mont Gisard in 1177 and Le Forbelet in 1182, and forced him to raise the siege of Beirut in 1182 and the major fortress of Kerak twice, in 1183 and 1184. On the latter occasions he was blind and so debilitated he had to be slung in a litter between two horses.

Hamilton also helps untangle the intricate web of domestic and international relations in which Jerusalem, the center of the world for three faiths, was ensnared. Baldwin had to balance the conflicting jealousies and agendas of his own nobility, always maneuvering to secure their positions first in the event of a regency, then at the succession; the knightly orders that were within his kingdom but not of it; the neighboring Crusader states; the attitude of the Papacy; the interests of Byzantium; and the distant and fickle responses of the western European powers. And overshadowing all this was ever-present menace of the Islamic counterattack that could come anytime, anyplace. Given this ever-precarious situation, Baldwin perhaps emerges with even greater credit for his diplomacy than for his skills with the sword. Certainly, he made no fatal mistakes and left the kingdom in no weaker condition than he found it.

Hamilton makes no great departures in his work, but goes some way towards rehabilitating Reynald of Chatillon from his characteristic depiction as loose cannon psychopath. Following Michael Lyons and David Jackson's Saladin: The Politics of Holy War, he also demythologizes the Crusader's nemesis, emphasizing the traditional argument that the Christian state unnecessarily provoked Saladin into war is flawed: The great leader of the Muslim world had been working towards the cleansing Jihad his entire career.

This is a book as much about an era as an individual, and at times, Baldwin as a personality tends to disappear inside it. Even considering the limitations of the sources, one wishes there was more representing his perspective in his voice. But we are limited to a heartfelt letter he wrote to Louis VII of France, humbly recognizing his limitations and offering to hand the kingdom over to a candidate as noble, and more healthy, than he: “To be deprived of one is limbs is of little help to one in carrying out the work of government... It is not fitting that a hand so weak as mine should hold power when fear of Arab aggression daily presses upon the Holy City and when my sickness increases the enemyu2018s daring.” (p 140).

It was fortunate for the Kingdom of Jerusalem that this offer was refused. It is significant that just two years after Baldwin's death Saladin won his great victory at Hattin, fatally wounding the Crusader presence in the Middle East and setting in motion the chain of events that would culminate in their expulsion in 1291.

Few rulers have remained executive heads of state when handicapped by such severe physical disabilities or sacrificed themselves more totally to the needs of their people,” (p 210) Hamilton concludes. Baldwin is accomplishments would seem to be the stuff of myth, but he was quite real, a testament to human courage and endurance, and Hamilton does a fine job of putting his life and times in perspective.

相关传记

The Leper King and his Heirs

副标题: Baldwin IV and the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem

作者: Bernard Hamilton

出版社: Cambridge University Press

出版年: 2005-07-07

定价: USD 43.00

装帧: Paperback

ISBN: 9780521017473

内容简介

The reign of King Baldwin IV of Jerusalem (1174-85) has traditionally been seen as a period of decline when, because of the king's illness, power came to be held by those who made the wrong policy decisions. Notably, they ignored the advice of Raymond of Tripoli and attacked Saladin. This book challenges that view, arguing that peace with Saladin was not a viable option; and that the young king, despite suffering from lepromatous leprosy, presided over a society that was (contrary to what is often said) vigorous and self-confident.

作者简介

Bernard Hamilton is Professor Emeritus of Crusading History at the University of Nottingham.

TAGS: 人物 政治人物 国家元首
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